Showing posts with label Scheme. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Scheme. Show all posts

Thursday, 15 August 2013

A New Approach to Deposit Insurance

Guest Post by Frances Coppola and Euronomist

Recent developments in the Eurozone, specifically Cyprus where the first EU-dictated bail-in of bank depositors took place, brought to light an important issue which had been hiding in the shadows: the flawed nature of current deposit insurance schemes.

Some advocate abolition of deposit insurance because it distorts incentives for banks and savers. But others believe that it is necessary to avert panic every time a bank nears its inevitable death. Yet although the two ends of the spectrum appear to disagree on the specifics of their proposals they both agree that the deposit insurance scheme needs to change if we want the future of both the financial sector and the wider economy be brighter than the present. In this article we present and develop a scheme which will address the need of depositors for safety without creating distorted incentives, while simultaneously helping to ensure the viability and stability of the banking sector in time of crisis.

A flawed scheme

The main purpose of the deposit insurance scheme is to safeguard depositors in the event of a financial institution’s bankruptcy. In addition, by guaranteeing the funds in a person’s account it prevents panic from spreading in the economy, with horrified citizens rushing to their banks so that they can withdraw their hard-earned money. Nevertheless, it has disadvantages. When banks do not have to fear for their customers’ funds they may indulge in risky speculative deals which destabilize both the bank itself and the economy in general. This is not pure speculation:  in one of the first deposit insurance schemes, bank failures actually increased due to increased liquidity and terrible choice of investments (notably real estate).

While the success of the deposit insurance scheme mainly depends on the good reputation and financial strength of the state backing it, bank failures can be costly to the economy. The cost to the state of large bank insolvency can be billions of currency. This amount has to be generated either by increasing taxation or by additional Government borrowing, which in turn will require increased taxation or reduced government spending which, depending on the state of the economy, may result in a severe recession. Governments that have currency-issuing capability may alternatively opt for printing money, which means that the taxpayer will essentially be paying for the bank’s failure through reduction of real buying power. In the financial crisis of 2008, taxpayers paid for the mistakes of bankers. The direction of discussion ever since has been around how to limit the consequences of bank failure for taxpayers by forcing bank creditors to bear more of the cost. The bail-in of Cyprus depositors and the haircut suffered by depositors in the UK’s Southsea Bank failure were such attempts, but the price that may be paid for this is greater likelihood of damaging large deposit bank runs and/or disintermediation of the banking system, introducing even more funding fragility for banks and increasing their reliance on the central bank.

Yet abolishing deposit insurance could have terrible consequences. In the event of a major bank failure, with thousands of people losing their money, a mass bank run with disastrous effects on liquidity and asset prices would be likely. In the absence of deposit insurance a single bank failure may escalate into a systemic crisis, followed by a major recession with money becoming a scarce resource. This has already happened before, in 1930, when, in the US, 744 banks failed in the first 10 months of the year, with more than 9,000 failures in the subsequent decade. Even though we have progressed in many respects since the 1930’s, convincing someone that his or her money is safe in the bank when a friend of theirs has lost everything in a bank failure would be difficult. Anyway, the depositor may be right: the repercussions of one bank’s failure may cause another to go bankrupt even if no withdrawal of funds is made.

Although the deposit insurance scheme bears the name “insurance”, it does not resemble normal insurance policies. When someone wants to insure a house or an automobile an amount of money – the premium - has to be paid in advance in order for the insurance company to assume the risk of compensating the owner if something goes wrong. This, however, is not the case with deposit insurance: the depositor does not have to pay any amount of money as a premium for having the deposited funds insured by the state. Instead, in European countries, the state imposes a levy on banks to cover the cost of anticipated deposit insurance claims. Bank depositors unwittingly pay for this through lower interest rates on their savings: but the burden is also shared by borrowers through higher interest rates, employees through lower wages and shareholders through smaller dividends. And in a systemic crisis, the insurance fund is never enough anyway. The UK’s FSCS was topped-up by state funding in 2008 and has had to repay that through additional levies on the financial institutions that did not fail – hardly an encouragement of sound financial management.

Nor is the state necessarily obliged to honour deposit insurance. Iceland refused to honour deposit insurance for foreign depositors in its banks. The UK and the Netherlands challenged this in the EFTA court and lost their case. At present, no European sovereign is obliged to honour deposit insurance in a systemic banking failure. Fortunately for the stability of the European banking system, this is not widely known: but the first Cyprus bail-in proposal, which would have partially bailed-in small depositors who were supposedly protected by deposit insurance, depended on it.

A new proposal

Our proposal is that depositors should explicitly pay a premium for the benefit of having their money insured. We limit this to interest-bearing accounts, because we consider non-interest-bearing (transaction) accounts to be a social good which should be protected by government without further cost to citizens. We propose therefore that transaction accounts would continue to be insured without explicit charge, but would no longer bear interest: insurance for transaction accounts would continue to be paid by bank levy.

Some might believe that insurance for interest-bearing accounts could be entirely provided by the private sector. But recent events suggest otherwise: when AIG became the largest underwriter for sub-prime mortgage CDS’s, nobody thought it would face trouble; the company was (and still is) one of the biggest insurers in the world. Yet, when the whole charade collapsed in 2008, AIG would have gone down with it if the US government had not bailed it out. Even insurance agencies which focus on extreme catastrophes like hurricanes, earthquakes, etc. would have trouble repaying the billions needed when it came to a systemic bank failure. In addition, private insurers would have an incentive to keep that money employed in projects so it could receive a high rate of return to make up for the costs of running the business: this runs the risk that in the event of a major bank failure the funds would be tied up in other investments with no immediate means of realising them, which would bring the insurer down with the bank and force the state either to repay the insured depositors itself or let them take the fall. Neither of these options is a good one, and we would thus prefer the state to assume the role of the insurer itself.

When we talk about the state, we usually mean government. But in this case we think the role of the insurer should fall to the Central Bank. There are two reasons for this:
  • The Central bank is (theoretically) independent of political agendas and has more access to classified banking data than any other agency. This would allow the Central Bank to perform a better analysis of the probability of an institution failing, thus making the insurance premiums commensurate with the realities of the banking industry.
  • The ability of the Central Bank to create unlimited liquidity would enable depositors to access their money in a systemic crisis without causing fire sales of assets and price crashes setting off a rapid deflationary spiral as happened in 2008.

Since in many countries the Central Bank is also responsible for prudential regulation of the banking industry, care would be needed to ensure clear separation of function to avoid conflict of interest. This would be best achieved by maintaining the insurance fund as a separate legal entity with its own management under the Central Bank umbrella.

Transparency would also be important. The fund’s management should be obliged to make public every quarter the size of the fund, the amount of deposits it insures and provide an annual report signifying the events of the past year. In addition, the fund’s financial statements should be audited by independent auditors.

As this fund would be literally a pool of money, the following questions arise:
  1. How should this money be invested so that it remains safe and is available when required?
  2. What should happen if the accumulated amount of insurance premium became disproportionately large in relation to the value of deposits to be covered?
Regarding the first question, it would be extremely unwise for deposit insurance funds to be placed with the banks whose deposits it was intended to insure, or with other institutions that depend on those banks. Therefore it would probably be sensible for the fund to be restricted to investments in safe assets such as high-quality government debt. Central banks already have lists of acceptable collateral for funding and these would be a good start point for acceptable investments for the insurance fund, although the insurance fund’s list might need to be more restricted. In any event, there should be an explicit commitment from the Central Bank to top up the insurance fund should it suffer losses due to asset failure, including the failure of its own government’s debt. For Eurozone countries whose central banks are unable to create money, it might be wise to use the ESM to top up deposit insurance funds, with the ECB standing as insurer-of-last-resort in the event of the ESM being unable to cover the losses. Ensuring the safety of insured depositors and the stability of the banking system is more important than political arguments over whether or not this would constitute monetization of state debt.

Regarding the second question, it is of course necessary for an insurance fund to have a safety margin in excess of expected claims. This would be invested in safe assets in the same way as the rest of the fund. However, if the excess became too great it could be returned to depositors either as a reduction in future premium payments or as a tax credit. The premium is, after all, effectively an hypothecated tax on savings.

We are now reaching the most important part of the analysis: who should receive deposit insurance, how much that insurance should cost and what the insurance limits should be. The key points are:
  • Transaction accounts would be fully insured for no charge, but would no longer bear interest.
  • All interest-bearing deposit accounts would be subject to an insurance premium which would take the form of a marginal reduction in the interest rate.
  • On interest-bearing accounts, customers will have the option of refusing deposit insurance, in which case they will receive a higher rate of interest but will not be protected in the event of bank failure.
  • There would be no insurance limit on interest-bearing accounts. However, we would recommend a tiered insurance premium structure: deposit insurance premiums should be higher for larger amounts and higher interest rates, to reflect the increased risk they represent and discourage routine placing of large sums in insured deposit accounts as an alternative to other safe assets.
  • There would also be no insurance limit on non-interest-bearing transaction accounts. However, there would be a time limit on the account, beyond which funds in excess of a certain amount (possibly the current deposit insurance limit) would be automatically swept into an interest-bearing account.

To ensure transparency and avoid mis-selling, account opening procedures will need to be amended. On account opening, the bank should offer the depositor three options:
  • A non-insured account with an interest rate of X
  • An insured account with an interest rate of say (1-0.075)*X
  • An account without an interest rate (transaction account)

The costs, benefits and risks of all three should be clearly explained. Additionally, it should not be possible to open a non-interest-bearing transaction account without also opening an interest-bearing account, either insured or uninsured.

Under the present deposit insurance scheme, the amounts insured are limited. There may be a view that insurance limits should continue under this scheme too. But we think the risk of destabilising runs on large deposits is sufficiently great for this not to be a wise decision. The imposition of capital controls in Cyprus to prevent large deposit runs has been economically damaging and we think it would be better to remove the incentive for large deposits to run. We suggest therefore that there should be no limit to the funds that can be insured in interest-bearing deposit accounts, but that higher insurance premiums should be charged for larger deposits to encourage investors to place funds elsewhere. Unlimited insurance on interest-bearing deposit accounts (for a price) would still give large investors an alternative to government debt as a safe asset, which in a market panic could help to ensure the stability of the banking system.

In the case of accounts with no interest rates (principally transaction accounts) we also propose that the amount insured should be unlimited. This is because the current EUR100,000 limit in the European deposit guarantee scheme is far too low for many corporate and some individual depositors. Corporate payrolls, for example, can be far in excess of the EUR100,000 limit and are in no sense “savings” – they are people’s wages. People buying and selling houses may also have funds far in excess of the limit going through transaction accounts, and would face homelessness if these funds were lost due to a bank failure while they were in transit. The US’s FDIC limit is $250,000, but even this is insufficient for some depositors. Loss of funds “in transit” can have terrible social and economic consequences, and we think therefore that deposit insurance should cover them regardless of the amount. We therefore propose, instead of an insurance limit, a time limit for funds in excess of the current deposit insurance limits. Funds in excess of this amount may remain in an insured non-interest-bearing account for e.g. 60 days, after which they would automatically be “swept” into an interest-bearing demand deposit account and insurance would be charged unless the depositor has opted out of insurance on that account.

Concern has been expressed that unlimited insurance would lead to abuse of transaction accounts by large investors seeking safety. However, we think this concern is unfounded. Under normal circumstances, a large investor would prefer interest-bearing safe assets over a non-interest-bearing insured account. Only under exceptional circumstances – say a debt crisis where safe assets were no longer “safe” – would an investor forego interest for safety. And under these exceptional circumstances, it would be sensible to allow them to do this in order to head off destabilising runs and ensure the stability of the financial system.

In conclusion....

We would like to remind the reader that the current state of the deposit insurance scheme is far from ideal. We have proposed an alternative which we believe would protect depositors from losses and prevent destabilizing bank runs without causing moral hazard for banks and the prospect of unsupportable losses for the state.


How we got here:
Sowing the wind – Coppola Comment
Sham guarantee – Coppola Comment
Anatomy of a bank run – Coppola Comment
Cleaning up the mess – Coppola Comment

We could have seen this coming. Or couldn’t we? - Euronomist Blog
Deposit insurance schemes: proposals and comments – Euronomist Blog

This post can also be found at Pieria.

Monday, 10 December 2012

Detailed Scheme for Funding Innovation: Part II

From what it appears, a start-up scheme covering the whole of the European Union, seems to be a topic where many people have been considering, and hopefully many more will in the future. After the previous post where a detailed scheme for funding innovation was presented, and especially after Horatiu Ferchiu's excellent comments and Alex Ghita's significant contribution to this discussion, the time is here for a little more detail into what should constitute a Scheme that would be both beneficial and sustainable.

To quote Alex:
"Firstly, building the fund allocation system on national banking systems would mean that each member state would have different rules regarding allocation and especially regarding taxation (not of funds especially, but of the direct output). This could make some member states hot-spots for start-up building and innovation, while leaving others in the shadows. This would lead to further increase in disparities, not making the overall situation any different that it is now. Also, it would neglect start-ups and innovation based on international cooperation. Secondly, not all national bureaucratic/economic systems work the same, and with the same efficiency. Insuring an efficient system, for fund management that works in similar ways (national laws make it impossible to make it work in the same way) is key. The contrary would lead to the same polarization effect described above."

For better or for worse, Alex is right. Nevertheless, it was an omission from my side not to mention that when defining what the Sovereign Fund would do, I failed to mention that the particular Fund would only accept applications from that Member-State's nationals and the company would have to be based and registered in that Member State. This would essentially mean that the scheme would eliminate the tendency of having some countries benefit the most as start-up hotspots. Thus, by forcing the nationals to stay in their home nations, it would mean that we are trying to actually decrease disparities in the EU. Obviously we can never know whether an idea in Greece would be more or less successful than an idea in Netherlands, nevertheless this is a "risk" that we have to take.

An issue which will arise from the above explanation is what should happen when a national of e.g. Germany and a national of Malta decide to form a new company. Or what should happen when 3 or more people from different countries decide to apply for funding. In the case of 3 or more people the answer would be easy: apply and form the company in the Member-State where the most of the founders are from. In the case where all founders are from different nations then the answer would be that they would be free to select any country they see fit to apply to. This is not an easy selection, however. In our example of Germany and Malta, the former has more access to industrial goods and may provide a larger network of partners, nevertheless, Malta has a very lower tax rate for businesses, it makes it easier for a company to be set up and if the company is purely technological, access to industrial goods is not needed. If industrial goods are indeed needed though, then Germany would be a better choice.

Phenomena like just selecting a partner from another EU country, just to apply for funding there may arise (this already happens for many EU programs), but in the start-up context, very few people would be willing to share an idea with a stranger and give him/her access to potential millions just for an opportunity to register in a foreign nation. And besides, let us not forget that the funds would be distributed proportionately to the EU countries, which would make competition even harsher in either a small or a large county.

Bureaucracy is unfortunately not the same across the EU and Alex is right about that as well. Nevertheless, this is the reason why both the Sovereign Fund and the Investment Fund should not be considered as institutions of the particular country they are based, but as EU institutions. This would allow them to function irrespective of the bureaucratic system of each nation and reach decisions faster and more efficiently. When, however, they would be forced to work with the local authorities, country-specific bureaucracy might pose significant problems.

This is where an amendment to the previous article is needed: the Sovereign Fund should have priority to all other participants in any procedure that would require co-operation with local authorities. For example, when applicants are trying to register their new company, they should have priority over every other person applying for company registration. This is one of the reasons that I have not been very supportive of employing local banks as a way to promote innovation: the banking institutions would usually take longer than if an independent organization is used. Thus, in order to reduce bureaucracy, an independent institution should be created for this issue.

Again, Alex is right when stating that "Any fund, project, policy, or programme is useless if the targeted actors do not actively participate. This is why the governance model would also have to provide the necessary tools for the independent formation of supporting participatory structures, which could ensure the reaching of targeted of actors." It is my belief, or at least my hope, that with the introduction of such a project, many would choose to participate. On the wider circle, a surge in consultants and advisers is surely to emerge as many would seek assistance before or after obtaining the grants. I trust that although this wider circle may not emerge in the first year of the Scheme's application, it would arise after due time. For better or for worse, this is an issue we cannot rush and force.

What Horatiu was mostly worried about during our discussions (you can have a look at them here and here) was that the technocrats controlling the Sovereign and Investment Fund would have tremendous power over what the businesses and that embezzlement or misuse of funds might arise. After considering this issue, Horatiu proposed that a simultaneous audit on both the Fund and funded company would be of more use than just on the former. In addition, I would also comment that the audit should occur bi-annually, at random intervals and on all funded companies simultaneously, so that the possibility for fraud is reduced. Severe penalties should also be imposed, to both the people responsible in the Fund as well as the funded company, when irregularities are discovered.

As for the technocrat power, this is unfortunately unavoidable. What the Scheme should account for though, is for aligning their interests with the Fund's interests. By this I mean that the participants in both the Investment and Sovereign Fund should receive remuneration at about the average salary of the country they are being employed and additional bonuses when funded companies do well. This would create an incentive for them to fund the companies which would appear to have the most growth potential, something which would help themselves, the funded companies, the Member-State and the Union as a whole.

I would like to end this article with another quote from Alex's contribution to this subject:
"The opportunity given by this type of fund is, I believe, a currently non existent way of sponsoring a type of work-economy that is specific to this day of age. Sponsoring location independent businesses and creating the infrastructure for them to function from anywhere, is one of the ways in which the EU can step ahead of its competitors."

We should not forget that although companies need a specific space and place to function, its people do not.

Let us know if you have any contributions, suggestions or comments on the subject.